Orthodox House Warming - 4539 Words

ir Ck Jdgn; (At the time of the house warming service, a cross. Two candles lighted, and a bowl with water to be blessed and sprinkled, shall be placed on a table facing to the East of convenient place of the house. All others including the Celebrant, who is conducting the service, must stand behind it. Now it is time to start the house warming ceremony) ir Ck Jdgn cau; Qgk SaCSaH Qgk dkgjCk; g!k d\jv saqkdkfjgj uk; Qgk elYf\jH ilq[\j Ck Jdgjv[ fxj)lrk= si=ik; djq)k emj lyluj ir\jsRy ] ik; cOdgUak= ÃÅ'lr\k siu[)kd. CkYCo rm\lrk= ekSgl|jfR KXs/sm th^ligk; Tfjrk ej#jhluj rjH)k d. TS/lX irilq[i[ :glPr fkm*lrk= caualuj HOUSE WARMING KAUMA CELEBRANT: In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit, one true God:†¦show more content†¦Splir Ck jdgn; PERSON: DEACON/ALTAR SERVICE PERSON Stoumen kalos ¨oà ­Ã‚ ªhuJ ¡Ã‚ ©k ¡o ® RESPONSE: Kurielaison dkyjSuhlujSclR CELEBRANT: Let us all pray and beseech of the Lord, mercy and Compassion. ekSgl|jfRà ¢ rl; th^ligk; Yel jv[ d\lijSrlm[ Là «Yz |*xk; dgknuk; ulvj)n;. RESPONSE: O merciful Lord, have mercy upon us and help us YefjildU;à ¢ Là «Yz|jà §#irlu d\lSi! B*Sxlmk d gkn svià ­Ã‚ ® B*sx c|luj)nsa. CELEBRANT: Make us worthy to raise up praise and thanksgiving, homage and holy exaltation, unceasingly, continuously, perpetually, and without intermission in every season and at all times. Glory be to that doer of mercy open to all sinners; that haven of life, which vivified the mortals; that purifying hyssop which cleans the unclean; that cleaning lustraction which brightens those who are defiled. Unto him is meet and glory, honour and whorship at this time of the hallowing of this house, and at all festivals and times, hours and seasons, and during all the days of our life, fo r ever. 7 HOUSE WARMING : ir Ck jdgn; B’kilahun Yowmoso D’hayayil L’olmeen. RESPONSE: Amen. ekSgl|jfRà ¢elejdX)luj fky#jMjgj)k# dgknuksm il ekSgl|jfRà ¢ fjhk; agnak=isg wJij/jvflu g uksm fkyakD ik; LCk sg simj/l)k# Scl/luk; ahjrsgsiN aul)k# fxj/k; :u d\lijrk oà ­Ã‚ ¤Y ¢. fsÊ plc sÊ ir Ck Jdgn\jsÊ TO cau\k; cdh se gk#lxkdxjhk; dlh*xjhk;Srg*xjhk; B*xksm L iclr rlX sisguk; frj)k; fsÊ ekYfà «; fsÊ e gjCk yo|lu[)k; oà ­Ã‚ ¤Y ¢uk;  ©oà ­Ã‚ ¡Yfik; dSg kduk;Show MoreRelatedAnalysis Of The Book Gore A Political Life By Bob Zelnick949 Words   |  4 PagesGore Junior is the son of Al Gore senior and Pauline LaFon Gore. He was on of two children. AL Gore Junior had an older sister named Nancy, who was ten years older. Gore was born on March 31, 1948 in Washington D.C. Gores father was a member of the house of representatives and also a senate member for Tennessee. Gores father was a democrat as was his mother. Al Gore junior was raised in D.C. and also on his family s farm in Tennessee. When he was at the farm he would work from morning to nightRead More Nazi Propaganda Essay1463 Words   |  6 Pageswrites. (Powell 37). These unintelligent and uninformed beliefs made it an easy task for Hitler to convince and pollute the Polish minds. The Germans began by taking pictures of Jewish institutions; they temporarily reopened the citys largest Orthodox shul and ordered communal leaders to hold full service so that a German crew might capture it on film (Powell 58) and repeated the same process for a ritual slaughtering by a kosher butcher. 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This amounts to more than 11,000 houses, one hospital, 25 medical dispensaries, 14 primary schools, 17 nursery schools and one secondary school. b) Tea Trading †¢ teaTrading Finlay is one of the leading teaRead MoreEssay on Liberty University Bibl 323 John Module 7 Notes9691 Words   |  39 Pagesbrought Peter in. ‘You are not one of his disciples, are you?’ the girl at the door asked Peter. He replied, ‘I am not.’ It was cold, and the servants and officials stood around a fire they had made to keep warm. Peter also was standing with them, warming himself. Meanwhile, the high priest questioned Jesus about his disciples and his teaching. ‘I have spoken openly to the world,’ Jesus replied. ‘I always taught in synagogues or at the temple, where all the Jews come together. I said nothing inRead MoreArticle: Performance Appraisal and Performance Management35812 Words   |  144 Pagesorganization have some kind of employees appraisal system, though the systems are not free from critics. 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The 35 Year Reversion Clause - 2548 Words

Joseph Burleson Prof. P. Abril BSL 412 12/9/14 The 35 Year Reversion Clause As 2013 began, artists and songwriters of classic music gained the ability to terminate transfer of copyright ownership for their intellectual property. These so called legacy artists include Tom Petty, Bryan, Adams, Bob Dylan, and countless others whose music still have a profound impact on the industry. In fact, catalog sales of legacy artists were reported by music industry officials as comprising 49% of album sales and 55% of single sales as recently as 2012. This means that billions of dollars are on the line for record labels, music publishers, and musicians. Background Once an author independently creates a work, copyright ownership is immediately†¦show more content†¦Transfer of copyright is referred to in section 101 of the Copyright Act of 1976 as â€Å"an assignment, mortgage, exclusive license, or any other conveyance, alienation, or hypothecation of a copyright or of any of the exclusive rights comprised in a copyright, whether or not it is limited in time or place of effect but not including a non exclusive license.† Songwriters will give away ownership to the copyright of their compositions to music publishers while recording artists will grant copyright ownership of their records to their respective labels enabling the companies to receive a larger stream of royalties. The size of this stream depends on the deal signed. Royalties for sound recordings are paid out on a purely contractual basis. There is no statutory rate for sound recording royalties like there is for song royalties. However, the artist negotiates a percentage of the profits from the sale of mechanical sound recordings. This usually numbers around 8%-25% of the suggested retail pricing for the album or song depending on the quality of the recordings and the stature of the artist. More established artists are able to negotiate into the high spectrum because there is less risk involved for the record label. Royalties for songs are paid out 50% to the writer and 50% to the copyright holder. For music publishing companies, there are three main types of deals that an artist can enter

A Streetcar Named Desire Analysis free essay sample

A Streetcar Named Desire A Streetcar Named Desire is one of the most significant plays of the twentieth century. This classic play tells the story of Blanche DuBois, a woman who moves in with her sister after she loses her plantation, and depicts her tumultuous journey into lunacy. As the viewer follows Blanche on her journey two major themes are significantly explored; dependence on men and escapism. Throughout the course of the play these themes move the plot forward and drive Blanche’s story. In the course of A Streetcar Named Desire Blanche illustrates various forms of dependence on men. The viewer first observes Blanche exhibit this theme after it is discovered that her husband killed himself. The loss motivates Blanche to move into the Hotel Tarantula where she invites various men into her room to spend the night. Blanche believes that having a man immediately builds her sense of self worth and brings her happiness. We will write a custom essay sample on A Streetcar Named Desire Analysis or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page A quote that perfectly illustrates Blanche’s dependence on men take place near the end of the play on page 142 when Blanche states to the people transporting her to the asylum â€Å"Whoever you are-I have always depended on the kindness of strangers†. This quote is an example of how much Blanche relies on other people, in particularly men, to help move her life forward. The dependency of women on men was prominent at the time the play was published and many females relied on men for financial security and emotional fulfillment. The writing of this play was Tennessee Williams’ way of criticizing that ideal. Escapism is an additional theme that Williams heavily examines in A Streetcar Named Desire. This theme is explored throughout the course of the novel and we the viewer often experience fantasy conflicting with reality in the various quarrels between whimsy Blanche and pragmatic Stanley. An example of this theme occurs when Blanche’s husband kills himself and she loses her families plantation. Blanche’s response to her struggles is to flee into drunkenness and a fantasy world of her own fabrication. Blanche also flees into escapism after Mitch tells her that he won’t marry her and she makes up an extravagant story about a past man who was going to pick her up and take her on a cruise. Blanche states to Stanley on page 126 that â€Å"This man is a gentlemen and he respects me. What he wants is my companionship. Having great wealth sometimes makes people lonely! A cultivated woman, a woman of intelligence and breeding, can enrich a man’s life-immeasurably†! Blanche’s attempts to recreate herself fail in the face of a cruel reality she can’t escape. Tennessee Williams uses his play to examine the tension between fantasy and reality and the tragic results of escapism. In conclusion, A Streetcar Named Desire is a play heavy with the major issues of dependency on men and escapism. Tennessee Williams utilizes both these themes in his play to criticize the American values of the 1940’s. A Streetcar Named Desire is a call for change in a society that Williams viewed as desperately in need of transformation.

Rise and Fall of Protectionis Essay Example

Rise and Fall of Protectionis Essay PII: S0305-750X(99)00160-6 World Development Vol. 28, No. 5, pp. 789 ±804, 2000 O 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved Printed in Great Britain 0305-750X/00/$ see front matter The Rise and Fall of the Washington Consensus as a Paradigm for Developing Countries CHARLES GORE * United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, Geneva, Switzerland Summary. The introduction of the Washington Consensus involved not simply a swing from state-led to market-oriented policies, but also a shift in the ways in which development problems were framed and in the types of explanation through which policies were justi ®ed. Key changes were the partial globalization of development policy analysis, and a shift from historicism to ahistorical performance assessment. The main challenge to this approach is a latent Southern Consensus, which is apparent in the convergence between East Asian developmentalism and Latin American neostructuralism. The demise of the Washington Consensus is inevitable because its methodology and ideology are in contradiction. O 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Key words ? development theory, development policies, World Bank/IMF policies 1. INTRODUCTION Developing countries is an international practice. The essence of this practice is the mobilization and allocation of resources, and the design of institutions, to transform national economies and societies, in an orderly way, from a state and status of being less developed to one of being more developed. The agencies engaged in this practice include national governments of less-developed countries, which have adopted development as a purpose to which State power is put, and governments of richer countries, which disburse o? cial development aid to support and in? uence this process; a variety of non-governmental organizations concerned to animate and channel popular concerns; and international intergovernmental organizations, such as the organs of the United Nations and the World Bank, many of which have been expressly set up o resolve various development problems. Often it is the last group who have acted as the avant-garde of development practice. It is because of their activities, as well as the widespread tendency of governments to copy successful practice elsewhere, that it is appropriate to describe developing countries as an international practice. But it is by no means global in scope. We will write a custom essay sample on Rise and Fall of Protectionis specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Rise and Fall of Protectionis specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Rise and Fall of Protectionis specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Indeed the practice of developing countries is only done in a particular set of countries? those which in the 1950s and 1960s were generally 789 alled underdeveloped or less developed countries, but which now generally identify themselves, and are identi ®ed by others, as developing countries. This paper discusses trends in the body of knowledge which guides and justi ®es the practice of development. It examines, in particular, the ideas propagated by international development agencies, and focuses on the shift in thinking which occurred in the 1980s with the introduction and widespread adoption of an approach to the practice of developing countries known as the Washington Consensus. In broad terms, this approach recommends that governments should reform their policies and, in particular: (a) pursue macroeconomic stability by controlling in? ation and reducing  ®scal de ®cits; (b) open their economies to the rest of the world through trade and capital account liberalization ; and (c) liberalize * This paper is an extended version of comments made at the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften Conference on Paradigms of Social Change held in Berlin on September 3 ±5, 1998. I would like to thank John Toye, Gabrielle Khler, Richard Kozulo Wright and two anonymous referees for critical comments on an earlier draft. The arguments and interpretations are those of the author. The views expressed do not necessarily re? ect those of UNCTAD. Final revision accepted: 17 October 1999. 790 WORLD DEVELOPMENT domestic product and factor markets through privatization and deregulation. Propagated through the stabilization and structural adjustment policies of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, this has been the dominant approach to development from the early 1980s to the present. The paper examines the introduction of the Washington Consensus as a paradigm shift, and assesses the con ®guration of development thinking in the 1990s and pressures for a further paradigm shift, particularly in the light of the East Asian  ®nancial crisis and recent attempts to construct a post-Washington Consensus. The paradigmatic nature of the Washington Consensus is most clearly evident in the work of John Williamson (1990,1993,1997), who coined the name and also set out a speci ®c formulation of the approach at the end of the 1980s. This formulation was founded on an attempt to summarize, with particular reference to policy reform in Latin America, the conventional wisdom of the day among the economically in? uential bits of Washington, meaning US government and the international  ®nancial institutions (Williamson, 1993, p. 1329). Williamson never explicitly identi ®es the Washington Consensus as a paradigm. But the way he describes the approach conforms in many respects with Thomas KuhnOs notion of one. Thus, he argued that the Washington Consensus is a universal convergence, and that it constitutes the common core of wisdom embraced by all serious economists (Williamson, 1993, p. 1334). He codi ®ed the approach as a set of 10 axiomatic generalizations which, given certain values, are generally shared by scholars and practitioners concerned with economic growth in developing countries; and he listed remaining analytical problems on which normal economic science needs to focus. Finally, he dismissed those who challenged the consensus view as cranks (p. 1330). As he put it, [T]he superior economic performance of countries that establish and maintain outward-oriented market economies subject to macro-economic discipline is essentially a positive question. The proof may not be quite as conclusive as the proof that the Earth is not ? at, but it is su? ciently well established as to give sensible people better things to do with their time than to challenge its veracity (p. 1330). Washington Consensus policies is usually seen as a shift from state-led dirigisme to marketoriented policies. Such a switch undoubtedly occurred. But it is not a su? ient description of the nature of the change as a paradigm shift. As Kuhn shows, when paradigms change, there are usually signi ®cant changes in the methods, problem- ®eld, and standards of solution which are accepted by a community of practitioners (Kuhn, 1970, p. 103). As a consequence, the proponents of competing paradigms practice their trades in di? erent worlds [they] see di? erent things when t hey look from the same point in the same direction (p. 150). In examining the introduction of the Washington Consensus as a paradigm shift, what matters is not simply the substantive di? rences with earlier approaches, but also the nature of the change in the disciplinary matrix and worldview. Here it will be argued that together with the swing to market-oriented policies, there was a deeper shift in the way development problems were framed and in the types of explanation through which development policies were justi ®ed. This involved changes in the spatial and temporal frame of reference of development policy analysis. In brief, these changes were: the partial globalization of development policy analysis; and a shift from historicism to ahistorical performance assessment. . THE PARTIAL GLOBALIZATION OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY ANALYSIS Specifying development policy problems involves both explanations of development trends and normative judgements about how the world should be. For each of these activities, an important decision which must be made is deciding the policy frame, i. e. what elements should be included when viewing a problem and what elements excluded. 2 The framing of policy issues has various aspects but one which critically a? ects the practice of developing c ountries is whether policy problems are seen within a global or national frame of reference. Explanations and normative judgements can each be elaborated within a national or global frame of reference, and so the thinking which underpins the practice of developing countries can be wholly national, wholly global, or some combination of both (Figure 1). The full globalization of development policy analysis will be understood here to mean a shift from a The structure of the revolution in thinking which occurred with the introduction of RISE AND FALL OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS 791 Figure 1. Four main combinations of explanatory and normative framework in development policy analysis. ational to a global frame of reference both for explanations and normative evaluations. Before the propagation of the Washington Consensus in the 1980s, mainstream explanations of the development process and evaluative judgements of the goals of development were both conducted within a national frame of reference. First, economic and social trends within countries were explained, in the mainstream, on the basis of conditions within the countries themselves, i. e. as a result of national factors. Particular external relations might be necessary to start the process, or to close gaps which threatened its breakdown. But the key ingredients of a successful development process were usually identi ®ed through analyses of sequences of change within already industrialized countries, which were then applied in less developed countries without any reference to their di? erent external situation. Second, development policies were geared toward the achievement of national objectives. This orientation was often simply taken for granted in development policy analysis. But it was also in? enced, more or less strongly, by political and economic nationalism. According to Johnson (1967), key features of economic policy in new States? namely, the desire for greater selfsu? ciency and early industrialization, the preference for economic planning and public control, and hostility to foreign investment? can all be traced to the mutual supporting relations between nationalism, aid policy, and id eas about the development problem formed in the 1930s. Those ideas became part of a common understanding and language of national and international policymakers after WWII. There were, of course, major controversies both over the meaning of development and the means of achieving it. In the 1950s and 1960s there were debates about development strategy (for example, balanced or unbalanced growth), the nature of dualistic development processes, and the role of human capital. Moreover, in the 1970s the earlier focus on economic growth with structural change was strongly challenged by those who pointed to the need to focus on social objectives, notably income distribution, poverty, employment and basic needs satisfaction. But these disputes actually served to reinforce the normative and explanatory frames of development policy analysis as being national. Whatever objectives were taken to be central, national objectives were the focal concern. Moreover the development strategy debates essentially examined the articulation and sequencing of internal (national) ingredients which could facilitate or accelerate the national development process. An important count ercurrent to mainstream development policy analysis before the 1980s came from structuralist and dependency theories elaborated in Latin America (see Kay, 1989). Like the dominant approach the normative concern of these theories was national, and indeed strongly informed by nationalist concerns. But their analytical perspective was global in scope and this underpinned their critiques of mainstream thinking. Both structuralist and dependency theorists emphasized the importance of centerperiphery relations as determining or conditioning the national development process. But some strands within dependency theory, 792 WORLD DEVELOPMENT instead of indicating how national development was a? cted by the articulation between internal and external factors, simply put forward an antithesis to the mainstream approach, arguing that external factors were the only ones that mattered, and then deduced that by delinking from the world economy, an authentic development process, solely founded on internal factors, could be made to occur. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the growth rate of most developing countries, with the notable exception of some countrie s in East Asia, collapsed. The economic crises which beset most developing countries lent weight to arguments that mainstream development practice had failed. But at the same time the East Asian success neutralized those versions of dependency theory which argued that development would always be blocked on the periphery, and also Latin American structuralism, which allegedly was wedded to inwardoriented import-substitution policies in contrast to East AsiaOs alleged outward-orientation. In this situation, arguments which emphasized the positive role of free markets in development attracted greater attention. These ideas had always been an element within development policy analysis, represented, for example, by early critiques of protectionism, such as G. Haberler and H. Myint, Milton FriedmanOs support of free enterprise, and P. T. BauerOs dissection of mainstream thinking (Bauer, 1971). The uptake of these ideas was not strong however until the late 1970s and early 1980s, when a new approach to developing countries, which was later labeled the Washington Consensus, emerged as the main alternative to national developmentalism. The frame of reference for this new approach was, like the Latin American countercurrents of the pre-1980s, partially global and partially national. But rather than combining normative economic nationalism with a methodological internationalism, the Washington Consensus was its mirror image. It combined normative economic internationalism with a methodologically nationalist form of explanation which attributed what was happening within countries mainly to national factors and policies (Figure 2). In this new approach, the key norms which played the decisive role in de ®ning development practice were the norms of a liberal international economic order (LIEO). In most general terms, these norms involve a commitment to free markets, private property and individual incentives, and a circumscribed role for government. But they can be speci ®ed in di? erent ways, according to di? erent interpretations of the precise content of the LIEO. For example, in the early 1980s, laissez-faire liberalism was strongly advocated. This entailed liberalization of both external and domestic economic relations. But at the start of the 1990s, this extreme market fundamentalism was softened with the emergence of the socalled market-friendly approach to development (see, notably, World Bank, 1991). This Figure 2. The con ®guration of development policy analysis: 1950 ±1990. RISE AND FALL OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS 793 continued strongly to advocate liberalization of external trade and capital movements. But, the scope of domestic economic liberalization was limited, in particular, by recognizing more fully the legitimacy of state intervention in cases of market failure. These norms were propagated through two types of persuasive argument:  ®rst, arguments about the intrinsic ethical superiority of economic liberalism; and second, theoretical and empirical analyses which demonstrate that conformity to the norms of a LIEO (variously de ®ned) would lead to better outcomes, not simply for the world community as a whole, but also for individual nation-states within it. The latter, which have served as the principal form of argument supporting the new approach, have mainly been articulated on a terrain in which promoting the national interest has been narrowly equated with promoting economic growth and increasing personal economic welfare. Important developmentalist concerns such as constructing national unity and realizing national sovereignty are thus excluded. On this narrowed ground, attention and publicity has been given to analyses which show that national policies which are in con? ct with the norms of LIEO, including many elements at the heart of earlier development practice, such as protection of infant industries, managed interest rates and selective credit, have been harmful to national interests, and thus constituted domestic mismanagement and irrationalities. At the same time, the policies of the East Asian newly industrializing economies which had actually achieved rapid and sustained growth have been described in ways which suggest t hat they conformed to the requisite liberal norms. 5 For both con? icting and conforming policies, their impact on the e? iency of resource allocation has been identi ®ed as the main mechanism by which domestic policies a? ect economic growth. While the normative frame of reference of the new approach was global in scope, the explanatory arguments which sought to prove the instrumental superiority of the LIEO were characterized by methodological nationalism. That is to say, in explaining economic trends within countries, they partitioned in? uences into external and internal factors and attributed most of what was happening to internal (national) factors and, in particular, to domestic policy. In making the case for trade liberalization and export promotion, for example, conditions of global demand are generally ignored and, through the small country assumption, it is typically assumed that foreign markets are always available, and at prices largely independent of a countryOs expo rts. Empirically, the most common approach to prove the dynamic bene ®ts of outward-orientation has been crosscountry regression analyses which establish the statistical relationships between indicators of national economic change and a series of national variables, which include, in particular, indicators of national policy. The essence of this methodology is areal correlation between dependent and independent variables, to identify the extent to which variation in the former between a given set of national territories matches variation in the latter between the same territories. This can be done at a certain point in time or for periods of time (e. g. by using growth rates over 20 years). In either case, speci ®c histories are  ®ltered out and it is assumed that relationships which pertained in the past will continue into the future. Economic trends are necessarily attributed to the behavior of the national factors. In the 1990s, changes in the nature of the external environment are increasingly being used to explain why liberalization, coupled with the right macroeconomic fundamentals, works. Thus it is argued that in an increasingly globalized world economy, in which there is the globalization of production systems, increasing reliance on trade and increased availability of external  ®nancial ? ows, countries which do not follow Washington Consensus policies will be especially penalized, as they will be cut o? and thus excluded from the intensifying (and implicitly bene ®cial) global  ®eld of ? ws. Concomitantly, those countries which do follow the right policies will be rewarded, as they can capture foreign direct investment which brings technology and market access, and they can also supplement national savings with international capital ? ows, thus reaping the bene ®ts of the new external environment. In this way, the case for liberalization is rooted in the rhetoric of the globali zation. But the analysis remains methodologically nationalist as it retains the distinction between external and internal (national) factors, and still attributes ountry trends largely to domestic policy (see, for example, IMF, 1997; World Bank, 1997). Globalization is something which is happening to the external economic environment of countries; it is outside them. 794 WORLD DEVELOPMENT 3. THE SHIFT FROM HISTORICISM TO AHISTORICAL PERFORMANCE ASSESSMENT The curious combination of global liberalism 7 and methodological nationalism which underpins the way in which development is seen in the new paradigm has been buttressed by a second key shift which occurred in development policy analysis at the end of the 1970s. This can be characterized as a shift from historicism to ahistorical performance assessment. Theorizing on development strategy from the 1950s to the 1970s was historicist in the general sense that it was founded on an attempt to understand rhythms, patterns and laws of development. 8 This understanding was based on historical analysis of long-term sequences of economic and social change, which had occurred in the past in already-industrialized countries and which were expected to re-occur, particularly if the right policy interventions were made, in less developed countries. Such theorizing most typically understood development as a societal and economy-wide transition from a traditional (rural, backward, agricultural) society to a modern (urban, advanced, industrial) society. This process was seen as a sequence of stages of growth, a process of modernization, or recurrent patterns of structural transformation. 9 All countries were expected to go through such patterns of development, and development agencies sought to ensure or accelerate the arrival of a better future for whole societies through interventions in these long-term processes of historical transformation. With the shift to ahistorical performance assessment, the focal object of enquiry has been to describe and explain national performances of various types. Not surprisingly but now taken-for-granted, the key word in the discourse propagated by international development agencies since the start of the 1980s has been performance. Attention has been particularly paid to economic performance, but also agricultural performance, industrial performance, trade performance,  ®nancial performance,  ®scal performance, poverty performance, human development performance and so on. Using these various standards, countries have been partitioned into good and bad performers, and ranked according to their performance in various new leagues of nations. Moreover comparative performances have been explained by reference to national factors and national policy. It is according to these performance standards that past development policies have been criticized because they do not work and narratives have been constructed about the e? ectiveness of the Washington Consensus. A succession of countries which have undertaken policy reform in the requisite way and achieved good short-term growth results have also been identi ®ed as, and dubbed, success stories. These stories have acted as exemplars for the new paradigm, providing not only practical rules-of-thumb guidance on how policy reform should be undertaken, but also proof of the validity of the Washington Consensus. The transition from historicism to ahistorical performance assessment started in the 1970s, and was initially animated by those who sought to re ®ne the de ®nition of development by adding social aspects. E? rts to measure poverty based on the quality of life and satisfaction of basic needs were particularly important in this regard. Michael LiptonOs book Why Poor People Stay Poor was a key text in propagating a performance-oriented approach. The uptake of the notion of urban bias, a concept which was forged within debates about how to achieve redistribution with growth but which be came central to the neoliberal paradigm, can be attributed to its performance-based de ®nition, and the vitriolic debates of the late 1970s, particularly with Byres, can be interpreted as an attempt to sustain a historicist view (see, for example, Byres, 1979). In the 1980s, these initial moves toward performance assessment were overtaken by, and later incorporated in, the discourse and practice of structural adjustment. Adjustment involved improving the performance of national economies by increasing the e? ciency of resource allocation. The central criterion used to measure performance was current or recent GDP growth rate, and macroeconomic stability, indicated by  ®scal and external payments balance and low in? ation. The dynamics of long-term transformations of economies and societies slipped from view and attention as placed on short-term growth and re-establishing  ®nancial balances. The shift to ahistorical performance assessment can be interpreted as a form of the postmodernization of development policy analysis. It re? ects, in particular, the questioning of grand narratives of historical transformation which was central to the appeal of the post- RISE AND FALL OF THE WASHINGTON CONSENSUS 795 modern ethos in the 1980s. 10 Befo re the shift, development agencies acted as handmaidens of progress, modernization, industrialisation, or the emancipation of people from oppression, exploitation, disease and drudgery. After it most agencies re-oriented their work to monitor and seek to improve performance, often through local problem-solving and local social engineering designed to make economic and social institutions work better. Adjustment also entailed the abandonment of grand long-term government-directed designs for whole societies and a shift to decentralized decision-making, laissez-faire and local social engineering. But ironically, this shift away from holism could not be achieved without a holistic approach. Everything has been made subject to the rules and discipline of the market. The vision of the liberation of people and peoples, which animated development practice in the 1950s and 1960s, has thus been replaced by the vision of the liberalization of economies. The goal of structural transformation has been replaced with the goal of spatial integration. 4. THE CONFIGURATION OF DEVELOPMENT POLICY ANALYSIS IN THE 1990S The collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union has served as con ®rmation of arguments which predicted the impossibility of central planning and reinforced the apparent superiority of a market-oriented development approach. Since the late 1980s however there have developed two important challenges to the Washington Consensus. The  ®rst is the UNDPs sustainable human development (SHD) approach. This approach takes up some of the themes of the UNICEF critique of the dominant approach, Adjustment with a Human Face, originally published in 1987, and has been elaborated through the annual Human Development Report, which  ®rst appeared in 1990 (UNDP, Various years). The second is a latent Southern Consensus, which is founded on analyses made from the perspective of countries undertaking late industrialization and seeking to catch up with richer countries in the global economy. This Southern Consensus does not exist as a political reality. Nor has it, as yet, been articulated analytically. Its existence is apparent however in the convergence between the policy conclusions of Latin American neostructuralism, initially set out by ECLAC in 990, and the deeper understanding of East Asian development models, which is described in ESCAP (1990), but has been most thoroughly reconstructed by UNCTAD in its annual Trade and Development Report (particularly 1994, part 2, chapter 1; 1996, part two; 1997, part 2, chapters V and VI; and 1998, part 1, chapter 3). 11 These two challenges to the Washington Consensus have shaped development thinking and practice in di? erent ways. Indeed development policy analysis is now characterized by a double dialectic. The clash between the Washington Consensus and the sustainable human development approach acts to reinforce and conserve the key elements of the current paradigm, and in particular its ahistorical approach and its combination of normative internationalism with methodological nationalism, whilst the clash between the Washington Consensus and ideas within the two strands of the Southern Consensus serves to undermine these elements and creates tensions and pressures for a further paradigm shift. The key feature of the sustainable human development approach which distinguishes it from the Washington Consensus, is that it espouses a di? rent set of values. Whereas the Washington Consensus focuses on the promotion of GDP growth, and has been implemented through a top-down, donorconditionality-driven and outside-expert-led, approach, the sustainable human development approach argues that the ultimate test of development practice is that it should improve the nature of peopleOs lives, and ad vocates that it should be founded on participation and a more equal partnership between developing countries and aid donors. This people-centered approach, which explicitly identi ®es itself as an alternative paradigm (see, for example, ul Haq, 1995, Part I), has been quite in? ential. An important strand of development research in the early 1990s has sought to refute its challenge by showing that Washington Consensus policies in fact serve to reduce poverty, increase employment and can, in themselves, deliver growth with equity, and that therefore social concerns are already adequately addressed by the mainstream approach. But the SHD alternative has promoted the introduction of poverty reduction as a key goal of development practice and increasing attention to possible LIEO-compatible relaxation of Washington Consensus poli- 96 WORLD DEVELOPMENT cies in order better to achieve poverty objectives (see World Bank, 1990). These changes have certainly made the Washington Consensus m ore humane. But at the same time, the SHD approach has had the e? ect of conserving key features of the worldview of the dominant paradigm. Although its di? erent values have emphasized di? erent indicators and weighting systems, particularly to capture levels of human development and poverty, these measures have reinforced a focus on short-term performance assessment. The substitution of multidimensional indicators of poverty for simple income poverty, for example, has added greater reality to the description of deprivation and more leverage for moral outrage, but at the cost of crippling e? ective analysis of the dynamics of change. Signi ®cantly also, the analytical basis of the SHD approach, which is itself somewhat loose, is methodologically nationalist. A central focus is the mismatch between economic growth performance and social performance and the ways in which domestic policy can rectify this mismatch to deliver more social achievements for any given level of GDP per capita. Even the apparent di? erence in values between the SHD approach and the Washington Consensus is less clear-cut than it appears. This applies whether human development is speci ®ed rigorously, as in Amartya SenOs capability approach which underpins the human development index, or through a vaguer focus on decentralization and participation. SenOs capability concept emphasizes freedom of choice which is quite consonant with the liberal perspective. 12 Moreover the project of making economic and social institutions work better through decentralization and the use of local knowledge, indigenous management ractices and the participation, not of the masses, but of local people and small comm

Ap World Syllabus Essay Example

Ap World Syllabus Essay Advanced Placement World History Course Syllabus 2012-2013 Ms. Rebecca Layton Friendly High School Fort Washington, MD 20744 301-449-4900 Rebecca. [emailprotected] org Course Description: The Advanced Placement World History (APWH) course is an intensive, year long, examination of global history from the period of 8000 B. C. E. to the present. The purpose of APWH is to develop a greater understanding of the evolution of global processes and contacts, in interaction with different types of human societies. The course highlights the nature of changes in international frameworks and their causes and consequences, as well as comparisons among major societies. This course also builds an understanding of cultural, institutional and technological precedents that, along with geography, set the human stage. The course is broken down into five major periods of study. They are: ? Foundations: 8000 B. C. E. to 600 C. E. ? 600 C. E. to 1450 ? 1450 to 1750 ? 1750 to 1914 ? 1914 to the present APWH Course Themes: The APWH course is guided by six themes which will receive equal attention throughout the course: . The dynamics of change and continuity across the world history periods covered in this course, and the causes and processes involved in major changes of these dynamics. 2. Patterns and effects of interaction among societies and regions: trade, war, diplomacy and international organizations. 3. The effects of technology, economics and demography on people and the environment (population growth and decline, disease, labor systems, manufacturing, migrations agriculture and weaponry. ) 4. Systems of social structure and gender structure (comparing major features ithin and among societies, and assessing change and continuity). 5. Cultural, intellectual and religious developments, including interactions among and within societies. 6. Changes in functions and structures of states and attitudes towards states and political identities (political culture), including the emergence of nation-state (types of political organization). APWH Habits of Mind or Skills: The APWH course addresses habits of mind or skills in two categories: (1) those addressed by any rigorous history course, and (2) those addressed by a world history course. We will write a custom essay sample on Ap World Syllabus specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Ap World Syllabus specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Ap World Syllabus specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Four habits of mind are in the first category: ? Constructing and evaluating arguments: using evidence to make plausible arguments. ? Using documents and other primary data: developing the skills necessary to analyze point of view, context and bias and to understand and interpret information. ? Assessing issues of change and continuity over time, including the capacity to deal with changes as a process and with questions of causation. ? Understanding diversity of interpretations through analysis of context, point of view and frame of reference. Three habits of mind belong in the second category: ? Seeing global patterns and processes over time and space while also connecting local developments to global ones and moving through levels of generalization from the global to the particular. ? Comparing within and among societies, including comparing societies’ reactions to global process. ? Being aware of human commonalities and differences while assessing claims of universal standards, and understanding culturally diverse ideas and values in historical context. Required Materials: ? Bentley, J. and Ziegler, H. 2003). Traditions and Encounters: A Global Perspective on the Past. (3rd Ed. ). Boston: McGraw-Hill. ? Andrea, A. and Overfield, J. (2005). The Human Record: Sources of Global History, Volume I: to 1700. (5th Ed. ). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. ? Andrea, A. and Overfield, J. (2005). The Human Record: Sources of Global History, Volume II: Since 1500. (5th Ed. ). Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company. ? Laden, J. and Whelan, P. (2009). Kaplan AP World History . Kaplan Publishing Grading Criteria: Quarter grades will be computed according to the following factors: ? Tests/Quizzes/Essays/Projects50% ? Homework25% ? Classwork/Participation25% Conduct: Students are expected to follow all rules in this class that correspond to those stated in the Prince George’s County Code of Student Conduct. Punctuality is a necessity and tardiness to class will result in loss of participation points. Work missed because of an unexcused absence may not be made up. Work missed because of an excused absence must be made up within the week the student returns to school. It is the responsibility of the student to arrange for make up work. All assignments must be handed in on time; late work will not be accepted. Methodology: This course is conducted using a variety of methods: lecture/discussion, simulations, cooperative learning activities, presentations and independent study/research. All students are responsible for reading the assignments before coming to class so that they may actively participate. A variety of film clips and videos are also used throughout the course. Unit I: Foundations 8000 B. C. E. to 600 C. E. Week One Topics: Agricultural Revolution World Geography Geographic Determinism- Jared Diamond Discussion/Debate Readings: Course Introductions/Overview, Chapter 1 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Comparative Graphic Organizer: Early Civilization Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 1 Timed Writing: Comparative Essays on Early Civilizations Jared Diamond Take-Home Essay Weeks Two and Three Topics: Civilization Discussion/Debate Early Civilizations (Complex Societies) Economic Specialization/Trade Bantu/Aryan Migration Religion Readings: Chapter 2 (Bentley) Chapter 3 (Bentley) Chapter 4 (Bentley) Chapter 5 (Bentley) Chapter 6 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline/Companion Essay Vocabulary Building Exercises (Ancient Civilizations) Assessments: Quiz: Chapters 2-5 Foundation Exam, Part 1: Chapters 1-6 Weeks Four and Five Topics: Classical Societies/Empires Economic Specialization/Development of Long Distance Trade Belief Systems (Religions of Salvation) Readings: Chapter 7 (Bentley) Chapter 8 (Bentley) Chapter 9 (Bentley) Chapter 10 (Bentley) Chapter 11 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Map: Greek/Roman Mediterranean Comparative Graphic Organizer: Classical Societies/Empires Comparative Graphic Organizer: Belief Systems Assessments: Quiz Chapters 7-11 Timed Writing: Document Based Question: Buddhism Weeks Six and Seven Topics: Cross-Cultural Interactions/Migrations Long Distance Trade Spread/Diffusion of Religion Spread/Diffusion of Disease Collapse of the Classical Societies/Empires Readings : Chapter 12 (Bentley) 1. 1-1. 15 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. I) 1. 46-1. 54 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. I) 1. 18-142 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. II) Major Assignments: ASPIRE Chart Annotated Timeline (AP Themes) Assessments: Foundations Exam, Part II: Chapters 7-12 Unit II: 600 C. E. to 1450 Week 8 Topics: Byzantium: A Survivor Society Islam: Rise and Expansion Economy and Society: Urbanization, Hemispheric Trade Readings: Chapter 13 (Bentley) Chapter 14 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity: Dar al Islam Vocabulary Building Exercises: Byzantine and Islam Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 13-14 Week 9 Topics: Restoration of Imperial Rule in China Islamic and Hindu Kingdoms Economic Development and Trade Culture and Society Readings: Chapter 15 (Bentley) Chapter 16 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Continuity-Change Over Time Graphic Organizer: Chinese Dynasties Assessments: Quiz: Chapters 15-16 Timed Writing: DBQ-The Silk Roads Week 10 Topics: Political Stability Economy and Society The Papacy Regional States and Expansion The Crusades Readings: Chapter 17 (Bentley) Chapter 20 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Comparative Graphic Organizer: European and Japanese Feudalism Mini-DBQ: The Crusades Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 17 and 20 Unit II Exam, Part I: Chapters 13-17 and 20 Week 11 Topics: Turkish Migrations and Expansion Mongol Expansion and Empire Building Readings: Chapter 18 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline (AP Themes) Vocabulary Building Exercises: Asia/Middle East Map Building Exercise: Turkish/Mongol Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 18 Timed Writing: CCOT Essay: The Mongols Weeks 12 and 13 Topics: West African Kingdoms/Empires Islamic Kingdoms/Empires Long Distance Trade: Trans-Saharan Trade/ Indian Ocean Trade Culture and Society Mesoamerican Empires Readings: Chapter 19 (Bentley) Chapter 21 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Persuasive Essay: Why/ Why Not Build Long Distance Trade Routes? Presentation: Empire Building Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 19 and Chapter 21 Quiz: Vocabulary/Map Week 14 Topics: Cross-Cultural Interactions Long-Distance Trade Crisis and Recovery Exploration and Colonization Readings: Chapter 22 (Bentley) 1. 55-1. 113 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. I) Major Assignments: ASPIRE Chart Annotated Timeline (AP Themes) Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 22 Unit II Exam, Part II: Chapters 18-22 (Excluding Chapter 20) Unit III: 1450 to 1750 Week 15 Topics: Exploration: Navigation and Motivation Colonization: Europeans to the Americas/South Asia Exchange: Transoceanic Trade Readings: Chapter 23 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity Vocabulary Building Exercises Annotated Timeline/Corresponding Essay (AP Themes) Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 23 Quiz: Vocabulary/Map Skills (Renaissance Europe) Week 16 Topics: Reformation/Counter Reformation Revival of Empire Capitalism-Expansion of Trade-Labor Systems Readings: Chapter 24 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Vocabulary Building Exercises (Reformation) Essay: Transformation of Europe Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 24 Timed Writing: DBQ-Christian and Muslim Attitudes Towards Trade Week 17 Topics: The Spanish in the Americas Colonial Society European Expansion into the Pacific Readings: Chapter 25 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline Colonization Map Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 25 Timed Writing: Comparative Essay on Labor Systems Week 18 Topics: Labor Systems in the New World-Triangular Trade African Diaspora (Demographic Impact) Abolition of Slavery Readings: Chapter 26 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Essay: The Growth of Plantations Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 26 Timed Writing: DBQ on the Abolition of Slavery Week 19 Topics: Political Stability in China (Post Mongols) Economic and Social Changes â€Å"New† Cultural Influences/Traditions Unification of Japan Readings: Chapter 28 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Comparison Graphic Organizer: Japanese and Chinese Social/Political Changes Vocabulary Building Exercises: East Asia Map Activity: East Asia Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 27 Quiz: Vocabulary/Map: East Asia Week 20 Topics: Islamic Empires Islamic Society Empires in Transition Readings: Chapter 28 (Bentley) 2. 3-2. 58 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. II) Major Assignments: ASPIRE Chart Annotated Timeline Middle East Map Activity Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 28 Unit III Exam, Chapters 23-26 Unit IV: 1750 to 1914 Week 21 Topics: Enlightenment and Revolution (American/French) Impact of Revolution – Latin America – Abolitionism – Women’s Rights Nationalism and the Formation of National States (Italy/Germany) Readings: Chapter 29 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Vocabulary Building Exercises: Political Upheaval Comparative Graphic Organizer: American/French Revolutions Comparative Graphic Organizer: Italian/German Nation Building Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 29 Quiz: Vocabulary Week 22 Topics: Industrialization Changing Industrial Society-Urbanization and Migration Global Impact Readings: Chapter 30 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 30 Timed Writing: CCOT Essay on the Roles of Women in East Asia, Latina America, Sub-Saharan Africa and Western Europe, 1750-1914 Week 23 Topics: The Americas State Building Economic Development Society and Culture Readings: Chapter 31 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline Map Activity: U. S. Growth Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 31 Essay: Immigration and Change in the Americas Week 24 Topics: Declining Empires Ottoman’s -Russian-China Readings: Chapter 32 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity: Russia Annotated Timeline/Companion Essay: Growth and Change of Russia Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 32 Weeks 25-26 Topics: Imperialism: Building of Global Empires Motives for Empire The Scramble (Africa and Asia) New Imperial Powers Impact of Imperialism Readings: Chapter 33 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity: Imperialism Comparison Graphic Organizer: European Imperialism Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 33 Week 27 Topics: Review/Reflect/Recover Readings: 2. 40-2. 80 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. II) Major Assignments: ASPIRE Chart Vocabulary Building Exercises: Imperialism Assessments: Timed Writing: DBQ- Asian Indentured Labor in the 19th Century Unit IV Exam, Chapters 29-33 Unit V: 1914 to Present Week 28 Topics: World War I Global War Total War Impact of Versailles Readings: Chapter 34 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity: Europe WWI Annotated Timeline/Companion Essay: Causes, Impact and Fall Out of WWI Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 34 Weeks 29 and 30 Topics: Global Depression and Political Challenges Rise of Totalitarian Movements (Fascism, Communism, National Socialism Nationalism and Political Identity –Asian Autonomy –Colonial Africa Latin America Readings: Chapter 35 (Bentley) Chapter 36 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Comparative Graphic Organizer: Totalitarian Movements Comparative Graphic Organizer: Asia/Africa/Latin America Vocabulary Building Exercises: Political Systems Assessments: Quiz: Chapters 35-36 Timed Writing: CCOT Essay on Attitudes Towards Political Structures Week 31 Topics: World War II Causes and Consequences Total War Holocaust Atomic Bomb Readings: Chapter 37 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Annotated Timeline/Companion Essay: Causes, Impact and Fall Out of WWII Map Activity: Europe WWII/Asia Holocaust Writing Perspective Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 37 Week 32 Topics: The Cold War Emergence of Super Powers Hot Spots: Korea/Cuba/Vietnam End of Cold War Readings: Chapter 38 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Comparative Graphic Organizers: Hot Spots Annotated Timeline: Cold War Vocabulary Building Exercises: Post War Map Activity: South East Asia Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 38 Quiz: Vocabulary/Map Week 33 Topics: De-Colonization Asia-Africa-Latin America Readings: Chapter 39 (Bentley) Major Assignments: Map Activity: Africa Map Activity: Latin America Comparison Graphic Organizer: Independence Africa/Asia/Latin America Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 39 Timed Writing: DBQ-Nationalism Among Muslim Leaders Week 34 Topics: The Global Economy Cross-Cultural Exchanges and Communication Global Problems-Demography and Environment Readings: Chapter 40 (Bentley) 2. 100-2. 123, 2. 87-2. 98 (Andrea/Overfield, Vol. II) Major Assignments: ASPIRE Chart Presentation: Global Economy, Cultural Interactions, Global Threats, Rights of Women or Migration Assessments: Quiz: Chapter 40 Unit V Exam, Chapters 34-40

Free Essays on The Scientific Method And Its Relationship To Psycology

The Scientific Method and It’s Relation to Psychology â€Å"An approach to knowledge that relies on the collecting of data, generating a theory to explain the data, producing testable hypotheses based on the theory, and testing those hypotheses empirically.† (Morris/Maisto) After reading the definition for the term â€Å"scientific method,† my interpretation is the method brings order to the process of researching an unknown. Psychologists are everyday people who take their curiosity further than the average person, resulting in the need for organization and guidance. The scientific method is merely a road map that psychologists use to guide themselves on their trip through the mind. Throughout their journey, they have a number of ways to test these theories and make predictions on their outcomes. The psychologist starts off with a question and needs a guide to help him achieve his goal, the answer. The scientific method is where they will turn in hopes of a plan in their quest for the answer. What the method does is give the psychologist an outline to follow, but, as is with any outline, they must provide everything to complete the process. As the psychologist dissects his/her thoughts, they find answers, speculations as I call them, and need to research their thoughts. Researching is mentioned in the scientific method, yet categorized into a few methods of its own. There are proven methods of research which help the scientist support and even debunk their own theories. They could range from naturalistic observation, case studies and surveys, to experimental or correlational research. Once research has begun, the theories are tested and re-tested until proven to be true. As the process evolves, theories are created, strengthened or broken. Believing that the psychologist must be neutral in the interpretation of the data is theories test themselves. When researching anything, one must have some control over what they are doin... Free Essays on The Scientific Method And It's Relationship To Psycology Free Essays on The Scientific Method And It's Relationship To Psycology The Scientific Method and It’s Relation to Psychology â€Å"An approach to knowledge that relies on the collecting of data, generating a theory to explain the data, producing testable hypotheses based on the theory, and testing those hypotheses empirically.† (Morris/Maisto) After reading the definition for the term â€Å"scientific method,† my interpretation is the method brings order to the process of researching an unknown. Psychologists are everyday people who take their curiosity further than the average person, resulting in the need for organization and guidance. The scientific method is merely a road map that psychologists use to guide themselves on their trip through the mind. Throughout their journey, they have a number of ways to test these theories and make predictions on their outcomes. The psychologist starts off with a question and needs a guide to help him achieve his goal, the answer. The scientific method is where they will turn in hopes of a plan in their quest for the answer. What the method does is give the psychologist an outline to follow, but, as is with any outline, they must provide everything to complete the process. As the psychologist dissects his/her thoughts, they find answers, speculations as I call them, and need to research their thoughts. Researching is mentioned in the scientific method, yet categorized into a few methods of its own. There are proven methods of research which help the scientist support and even debunk their own theories. They could range from naturalistic observation, case studies and surveys, to experimental or correlational research. Once research has begun, the theories are tested and re-tested until proven to be true. As the process evolves, theories are created, strengthened or broken. Believing that the psychologist must be neutral in the interpretation of the data is theories test themselves. When researching anything, one must have some control over what they are doin...

Napoleons Methods of Domination Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Napoleons Methods of Domination - Essay Example Napoleon claims that "the education of the young was more important than anything", and commandeers Jessie and Bluebell's puppies. His 'education' of them in virtual isolation is an excuse to groom their direct loyalty. He is rears a private police force. When the humans attack the farm, Napoleon is absent , either from cowardice or self-preservation, while Snowball defends the farm and is awarded a medal. The medal unfortunately elevates the tension between the two leaders, forcing Napoleon into action. Napoleon removes the competition: Snowball is chased from Animal Farm by the now-grown dogs. Once Snowball is gone, Napoleon announces a restructuring of the farm's organization. A committee of pigs, in private and presided over by himself, will make all decisions. Squealer promotes Napoleon's propaganda, reminding the animals of Napoleon's 'true' concerns for them. The windmill construction proceeds, as Napoleon conceived the idea originally. Napoleon begins to trade with humans; the pigs move into the farmhouse. When the other animals quote the Seven Commandments, they discover they remember the commandments incorrectly. Napoleon has begun to warp the guidelines of the Commandments to his own needs, a tactic he will repeat.